This report begins with a direct counterfactual premise. It argues that the failure to eliminate Osama bin Laden before September 11, 2001, was a critical link in the chain of events that led to the attacks.
This analysis traces the plausible, cascading consequences of that inaction for Americans. It ranks the ten primary consequences by their direct impact on daily life, security, liberty, and economic well-being.
The report is structured in three parts:
- Part I establishes the historical context of the missed opportunities.
- Part II details the ten primary consequences for Americans.
- Part III offers a concluding analysis of the counterfactual argument.
The analysis is grounded in the historical record, including the findings of the 9/11 Commission. It also examines Al-Qaeda’s ideology using bin Laden’s own public declarations, or fatwas. These documents explain the grievances that animated his war on the United States.¹˒ ²˒ ³
Part I: The “September 10th Mentality” – Context of the Missed Opportunities
To understand the consequences, one must first understand the context of the decisions made in the 1990s. The United States operated under a different national security paradigm. This paradigm is now known as the “September 10th mentality.”⁴
This mindset, shaped by the end of the Cold War, focused overwhelmingly on threats from nation-states. It was ill-equipped to confront the novel threat of a globally networked, non-state terrorist organization. This was not a failure of a single individual but of a system. This systemic mindset shaped the U.S. response to Al-Qaeda’s escalating campaign of violence.
The Gathering Storm: Al-Qaeda’s Ascendance and Ideology
From Soviet-Afghan War to Global Jihad
Al-Qaeda, or “the Base,” did not appear suddenly. Osama bin Laden formally founded the organization around 1988. It grew from the mekhtab al khidemat (the “Services Office”), which had supported foreign mujahideen during the war against the Soviet Union in Afghanistan.⁵
After the Soviet withdrawal, bin Laden leveraged this network of veterans. He relocated Al-Qaeda’s headquarters first to Sudan in 1991. Under pressure, he moved it back to Afghanistan in 1996. There, the group found sanctuary under the protection of the newly empowered Taliban regime.⁵˒ ⁶˒ ⁷˒ ⁸ This provided bin Laden a secure base to plan and execute a global war against the United States.
Bin Laden’s Declaration of War (1996 Fatwa)
Bin Laden laid bare his motivations in August 1996. He issued a public fatwa titled “Declaration of War against the Americans Occupying the Land of the Two Holy Places”.¹˒ ² This document was a foundational statement of Al-Qaeda’s ideology.
Bin Laden castigated the United States for a “Judeo-Christian alliance.” He claimed it inflicted “oppression, hostility, and injustice” upon Muslims worldwide.² His primary grievance was the continued presence of U.S. military forces in Saudi Arabia following the 1991 Gulf War. He deemed this the “greatest disaster to befall the Muslims since the death of the Prophet Muhammad”.²
He also cited other grievances as evidence of a global war against Islam. These included the suffering of Muslims in Iraq under U.S.-led sanctions, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and massacres in places like Bosnia and Chechnya.² The declaration was an explicit call for jihad to “cleanse the land from those occupiers”.²
The Global Call to Kill (1998 Fatwa)
The 1996 declaration was a call to arms. The fatwa issued on February 23, 1998, was a direct order to kill. Issued under the banner of the “World Islamic Front for Jihad Against Jews and Crusaders,” this declaration was shorter and more explicit.³
“The ruling to kill the Americans and their allies—civilians and military—is an individual duty for every Muslim who can do it in any country in which it is possible to do it.” ³
The justification was a defensive struggle against American aggression. It cited three core grievances:
- The U.S. military presence in the Arabian Peninsula.³
- The “great devastation” inflicted upon the Iraqi people.³
- U.S. support for Israel.³
This document represented a significant escalation. It transformed a regional conflict into a global manhunt. It also provided the ideological justification for the attacks that would soon follow.
A Pattern of Escalation
Al-Qaeda was an active and increasingly audacious threat. Just months after the 1998 fatwa, on August 7, 1998, the group executed near-simultaneous truck bombings of U.S. embassies in Nairobi, Kenya, and Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. The devastating attacks killed 224 people, including 12 Americans, and wounded more than 4,500.⁹
Two years later, on October 12, 2000, Al-Qaeda suicide bombers attacked the USS Cole. The U.S. Navy destroyer was refueling in Aden, Yemen. The attack killed 17 American sailors and injured nearly 40 more.¹⁰
Each attack was a deliberate provocation. It was designed to test American resolve. The limited U.S. responses likely emboldened bin Laden. They confirmed his belief that the American superpower was vulnerable and lacked the will for a sustained fight.
Date and Al-Qaeda Action | U.S. Response or Policy Context |
Aug. 1996 | Bin Laden issues “Declaration of War” from Afghanistan. |
1996 | CIA establishes the Bin Laden Issue Station (“Alec Station”) to track the Al-Qaeda leader. |
Feb. 1998 | Bin Laden and allies issue a fatwa calling for the killing of Americans worldwide. |
Aug. 7, 1998 | Al-Qaeda bombs U.S. embassies in Kenya and Tanzania, killing 224 people. |
Aug. 20, 1998 | U.S. launches Operation Infinite Reach, firing cruise missiles at targets in Afghanistan and Sudan. |
Dec. 1998 | CIA presents credible intelligence on bin Laden’s location in Kandahar; a strike is considered and ultimately declined. |
Oct. 12, 2000 | Al-Qaeda bombs the USS Cole in Yemen, killing 17 U.S. sailors. |
Jan. 25, 2001 | Counter-terrorism czar Richard Clarke sends an urgent memo to the incoming Bush administration warning that Al-Qaeda remains a “first order threat.” |
Sept. 4, 2001 | The Bush administration holds its first Principals Committee meeting on Al-Qaeda. |
Anatomy of a Decision: The 1998 Kandahar Dilemma
The most well-documented missed opportunity to eliminate bin Laden occurred in December 1998. This incident clearly illustrates the prevailing national security paradigm. It shows a system that weighed avoiding collateral damage over eliminating a known terrorist leader.
The Intelligence Picture
U.S. intelligence agencies had developed credible information placing Osama bin Laden at a specific location near Kandahar, Afghanistan.¹¹ The intelligence was considered actionable. It was strong enough to present President Clinton with a military option: a Tomahawk cruise missile strike.
The White House Debate
President Bill Clinton made the final decision. He later recounted the dilemma in a speech on September 10, 2001.
“I nearly got him. And I could have killed him, but I would have to destroy a little town called Kandahar in Afghanistan and kill 300 innocent women and children, and then I would have been no better than him. And so I didn’t do it.” ¹¹
This statement reveals a decision-making process governed by a pre-9/11 moral calculus. That calculus weighed the lives of foreign civilians as a decisive factor against a preemptive military strike.
The Military’s Counsel
President Clinton did not make the decision in a vacuum. The 9/11 Commission Report confirms that the Joint Chiefs of Staff advised against the strike.¹¹ Their primary concern was the high probability of “collateral damage.” They estimated the killing of 200 to 300 innocent civilians.¹¹
In the pre-9/11 era, such a death toll was deemed a strategically and ethically unacceptable outcome. This counsel from the nation’s highest-ranking military officers underscores that the decision was not an idiosyncratic choice. It reflected a systemic, institutional mindset that failed to accurately weigh the potential future cost of inaction.
The Policy Landscape: A Strategy of Containment
The Kandahar decision was emblematic of the broader U.S. counter-terrorism strategy in the 1990s. This strategy preferred law enforcement and diplomatic measures over large-scale military force.
The “Law Enforcement vs. War” Paradigm
Before 9/11, the U.S. government largely framed terrorism as a criminal problem. The appropriate response was to gather evidence, indict perpetrators, and pursue them through legal channels.¹² The 9/11 Commission concluded that both the Clinton and, initially, the Bush administrations chose diplomatic strategies over military means to combat Al-Qaeda.¹²
This approach was fundamentally mismatched to the threat. Al-Qaeda saw itself not as a criminal enterprise but as the vanguard in a holy war. Former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright reflected on this paradigm. She stated her personal opinion that “it would be very hard, pre-9/11, to have persuaded anybody that an invasion of Afghanistan was appropriate”.¹² It took the “mega-shock” of 9/11 to shift this perspective.¹²
Operation Infinite Reach (1998)
The one significant military action during this period was Operation Infinite Reach. The U.S. launched cruise missile strikes on August 20, 1998, in retaliation for the embassy bombings.¹³ The strikes targeted two locations:
- A suspected terrorist training complex in Khost, Afghanistan.¹³
- The Al-Shifa pharmaceutical plant in Khartoum, Sudan, which U.S. intelligence alleged was involved in producing chemical weapons precursors.¹³
The operation was a strategic failure. The missiles damaged the facilities but failed to kill bin Laden or his senior leadership.¹³ The strike on the Al-Shifa plant proved highly controversial, with many disputing the chemical weapons claim.¹³ Rather than crippling Al-Qaeda, the failed strikes arguably enhanced bin Laden’s prestige. Former Defense Secretary William Cohen later acknowledged the administration’s fear that a “missed shot would only make him look stronger”.¹²
Institutional Efforts and Systemic Inertia
The Clinton administration did recognize the growing threat. It established a dedicated “Bin Laden unit” at the CIA and made WMD terrorism a priority.¹⁴˒ ¹⁵ However, systemic inertia hampered these efforts. Critically, the administration failed to effectively transition the urgency of the threat to the incoming administration of George W. Bush.
Richard Clarke, the national counter-terrorism coordinator, documented this failure. On January 25, 2001, he sent an urgent memo to new National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice requesting a review of the Al-Qaeda network.¹⁶˒ ¹⁷ He warned that current operations would “not seriously attrite their ability to plan and conduct attacks”.¹⁷
Despite this warning, the Bush administration held no Principals Committee meeting on Al-Qaeda until September 4, 2001—just one week before the attacks.¹⁶ This nine-month period of high-level inattention represented a critical vulnerability. The institutional focus on bin Laden was effectively “demoted,” creating a window of opportunity for Al-Qaeda’s most ambitious plot to reach its final stages.¹⁶
Part II: The Unraveling – Top 10 Consequences Ranked by Impact
The failure to prevent the 9/11 attacks unleashed a cascade of consequences. These consequences fundamentally and permanently reshaped American society, government, and daily life.
The following are the ten most significant of these consequences. The ranking is based on a qualitative assessment of their pervasiveness, permanence, and direct impact on the average American’s life, from their physical security and civil liberties to their economic well-being.
1. The Cataclysm of 9/11: The Foundational Trauma
The first and most direct consequence was the event itself. It was an act of mass murder on American soil that served as the foundational trauma for the next two decades.
- Direct Human Cost: On September 11, 2001, Al-Qaeda terrorists killed 2,977 people in New York City, Arlington, and Shanksville.¹⁸˒ ¹⁹ The victims were ordinary people from over 90 nations.¹⁹ They included office workers and more than 400 first responders.¹⁸ Nearly 3,000 children lost a parent that day.¹⁸ This staggering loss of life was the primary consequence from which all others flowed.
- The Long-Term Health Crisis: The collapse of the World Trade Center released a plume of toxic dust. This exposed up to 400,000 people to a hazardous mixture of carcinogens.²⁰ In the years since, this exposure has led to a devastating public health crisis. Survivors and first responders have suffered from debilitating respiratory conditions, including a new syndrome dubbed “WTC cough”—a persistent cough with severe respiratory symptoms.²¹ Long-term studies have also shown increased rates of various cancers.²⁰
- A Nation’s Psychological Wound: Beyond the physical toll, 9/11 inflicted a deep psychological wound on the American psyche. A Pew Research Center poll days after the attacks found that 71% of adults felt depressed, and nearly half had difficulty concentrating.²² A year later, about half of all adults reported that the attacks had changed their lives, making them feel “more afraid, more careful, more distrustful, or more vulnerable”.²² This pervasive sense of vulnerability shattered the long-held American belief in continental invulnerability.
2. The “Forever Wars”: A Generation Sent to Combat
The most direct response to 9/11 was military force. This launched the United States into two major, protracted conflicts that became known as the “Forever Wars.” This directly impacted a generation of young Americans and imposed a staggering financial burden on the nation.
- The Invasion of Afghanistan (Operation Enduring Freedom): On October 7, 2001, the United States launched Operation Enduring Freedom.⁶˒ ²³ The mission’s objective was to overthrow the Taliban regime for providing sanctuary to Al-Qaeda.²³ What began as a swift campaign devolved into a two-decade-long counter-insurgency, becoming the longest war in American history.²³
- The Invasion of Iraq (Operation Iraqi Freedom): In March 2003, the Bush administration expanded the “War on Terror” by invading Iraq.²⁴ The administration justified the war on the grounds that Saddam Hussein’s regime possessed weapons of mass destruction. However, the 9/11 Commission later found “no credible evidence” of a collaborative relationship between Iraq and Al-Qaeda.¹⁴
- The Human and Financial Cost: The human toll on U.S. service members has been immense. More than 7,000 U.S. troops were killed in the post-9/11 conflicts.²³ The financial burden has been astronomical. Brown University’s Costs of War project estimates the total cost of the War on Terror at over $8 trillion.²⁵˒ ²⁶ This figure includes direct military spending, homeland security costs, interest on war-related debt, and future obligations for veteran care.²⁵
Conflict Theater | Duration | U.S. Military Fatalities | U.S. Contractor Fatalities | Estimated Civilian Fatalities | Total Estimated Financial Cost (USD) | Projected Future Veteran Care Costs (USD) |
Afghanistan/Pakistan | 2001–2021 | 2,324 | 3,917 | 46,000+ | $2.3 Trillion | Part of $2.2 Trillion total |
Iraq/Syria | 2003–Present | 4,500+ | 3,500+ | 300,000+ | $2.1 Trillion | Part of $2.2 Trillion total |
Total (All Theaters) | 2001–Present | 7,000+ | 8,000+ | 387,000+ (direct) | $8 Trillion | $2.2 Trillion |
Note: Figures are estimates compiled from sources including the Costs of War Project at Brown University and U.S. government data. Fatality and cost numbers are subject to ongoing research and revision. ²³˒ ²⁵
3. The Rise of the Homeland Security State
In response to perceived failures, the U.S. government underwent its most significant reorganization since World War II. This created a massive, permanent domestic security apparatus. It expanded the federal government’s presence and power in the daily lives of Americans.
- The Department of Homeland Security (DHS): In November 2002, President George W. Bush signed the Homeland Security Act, creating the DHS.²⁷ This monumental undertaking merged 22 disparate federal agencies into a single department with over 260,000 employees.²⁷ Its mission was sweeping: to prevent terrorist attacks, secure the nation’s borders, and respond to threats.²⁷
- The Transportation Security Administration (TSA): One of the first and most visible components was the TSA, established in November 2001.²⁸ The TSA federalized airport security, replacing private screeners with a uniformed federal workforce.²⁹ For many Americans, the TSA became the face of the new security regime.
- A Permanent Security Apparatus: The homeland security state extended far beyond airports. DHS implemented programs like state and local “fusion centers” to share intelligence and the nationwide “If You See Something, Say Something” campaign. This new apparatus created a fundamentally different relationship between citizens and their government, where domestic security and public surveillance became central functions of the state.²⁷
4. The Erosion of Civil Liberties: The Patriot Act
In the fearful aftermath of 9/11, the balance between national security and individual liberty shifted dramatically. A series of laws vastly expanded the government’s power to surveil its own citizens.
- The USA PATRIOT Act: Just six weeks after the attacks, President Bush signed the USA PATRIOT Act into law.³⁰ This sweeping legislation amended more than 15 statutes to give law enforcement and intelligence agencies unprecedented new powers.³⁰ Key provisions included:
- Authority for “sneak and peek” searches of property without immediate notification.³⁰
- Expanded authority for wiretaps.³⁰
- A broadening of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA).³⁰
- Section 215, which allowed the FBI to obtain “any tangible things” (like library or medical records) with an order from the secret FISA court, based on a claim of relevance rather than probable cause.³⁰
- Warrantless Surveillance: The Bush administration also authorized the National Security Agency (NSA) to conduct a secret program of warrantless wiretapping.³¹ Later revelations exposed the NSA’s bulk collection of the telephone metadata of millions of Americans.³¹
- The Privacy Trade-Off: These changes represented a fundamental trade-off. The privacy of ordinary Americans was significantly curtailed in the name of preventing another attack. Civil liberties organizations argued that these new powers eroded Fourth Amendment protections and created a vast surveillance infrastructure with little oversight.³⁰
5. The Long-Term Economic Burden
The financial cost of the post-9/11 era extends far beyond direct war appropriations. This spending has profoundly impacted the U.S. economy. It contributed significantly to the national debt and created massive, long-term liabilities for veteran care.
- War Funding and National Debt: The post-9/11 wars were financed almost entirely through borrowing. This has added trillions of dollars to the U.S. national debt. One study found that war-related borrowing contributed approximately $2 trillion to the debt between 2001 and 2012 alone.³²
- Long-Term Veteran Care: A significant portion of the wars’ total cost is the future expense of providing medical care and disability benefits. The Costs of War project estimates the U.S. has already committed over $2.2 trillion for future veteran care related to these conflicts.²⁵ This is a long-term, unfunded liability that will continue to grow.³³
- Opportunity Costs: The trillions of dollars spent on war and homeland security represent a massive opportunity cost. This is money that was not invested in other national priorities, such as infrastructure, research, education, or public health.
6. The Transformation of Air Travel
Perhaps no aspect of daily life was more visibly and permanently altered than air travel. The pre-9/11 experience was replaced by a complex, intrusive, and often stressful security ordeal.
- Immediate Changes: Airport security was transformed overnight. Access beyond security was restricted to ticketed passengers only.²⁹ A host of previously innocuous items were banned from carry-on luggage.²⁹
- The Evolution of TSA Procedures: Over the next two decades, the TSA rolled out a constantly evolving series of new security protocols. These included:
- The mandate to remove shoes for screening.²⁹
- The 3-1-1 rule for liquids, gels, and aerosols.²⁹
- The deployment of full-body scanners.²⁹
- The use of enhanced pat-down procedures.²⁹
- The Normalization of Intrusion: The cumulative effect of these measures was the normalization of a level of physical and privacy intrusion that would have been unthinkable before 2001. The average traveler now expects to be subjected to detailed screening as a routine part of flying.
7. The Politicization of National Security
The 9/11 attacks reshaped American foreign policy and domestic political discourse. The response led to a new, more aggressive national security doctrine. It also turned what had often been a bipartisan issue into a deeply polarizing political battleground.
- The Bush Doctrine and Preemption: The Bush administration articulated a new foreign policy framework known as the Bush Doctrine. Its central tenet was the right of the United States to take preemptive military action against perceived threats, even without an imminent attack.³⁴ This was a radical departure from Cold War-era doctrines.
- “With Us or With the Terrorists”: President Bush’s famous declaration—”Either you are with us, or you are with the terrorists”—framed the global landscape in stark, binary terms.³⁴ This paradigm was used to build the international coalition for the war in Afghanistan.
- Deepening Political Divisions: The nation’s initial unity quickly fractured. The decision to invade Iraq, debates over the Patriot Act, and controversy over “enhanced interrogation techniques” created deep and lasting political divisions.³⁵ National security became a source of intense partisan conflict that has persisted for two decades.
8. The Unseen Cost of War: The Veteran Health Crisis
Beyond casualty counts lies a quieter but no less devastating consequence: a profound health crisis among the 2.7 million Americans who served in the post-9/11 wars. This generation of veterans returned with a unique set of physical and mental injuries.
- Signature Injuries: The widespread use of Improvised Explosive Devices (IEDs) produced a high incidence of “signature injuries.” These include Traumatic Brain Injury (TBI) and Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD).³² More than half of the 1.56 million service members who deployed required medical care upon their return.³²
- The Strain on the VA System: The influx of veterans with these complex needs has placed an unprecedented strain on the Department of Veterans Affairs (VA). The VA has struggled to keep pace with the demand for specialized care, leading to long wait times.³³
- Impact on Families and Communities: The consequences of these injuries extend far beyond the individual veteran. Spouses, parents, and children often become full-time caregivers.³² The veteran suicide epidemic has brought heartbreak to communities across the country.
9. The Normalization of Fear and the “Terrorism Industrial Complex”
The 9/11 attacks embedded a persistent fear of terrorism into the fabric of American society. This normalized anxiety spawned a massive new economic sector dedicated to countering the threat.
- A Persistent State of Anxiety: The color-coded Homeland Security Advisory System institutionalized this national anxiety, making “threat levels” a regular feature of public life.³⁶ The constant reminders of potential threats created a climate in which another attack felt ever-present.
- The Growth of a New Industry: This pervasive fear fueled the rapid growth of a “terrorism industrial complex.” Billions of federal dollars flowed into a new market for security technologies and services. This created a powerful economic sector whose business models depended on the continuation of the War on Terror. This included new startups specializing in everything from full-body scanners to data-mining software.²⁹˒ ³³
10. A Fleeting Unity, A Lasting Division
In the immediate aftermath of the attacks, the United States experienced a rare moment of national unity. This shared sense of purpose proved fleeting. It quickly gave way to the deep political polarization that has come to define 21st-century America.
- The Initial Rally: In the weeks after 9/11, Americans rallied in support of their country. A Pew Research poll found a massive surge in patriotism.²² Trust in the federal government soared to 60%, a level not seen in three decades.²² President Bush’s job approval rating reached an astonishing 86%.²²
- The Fracture: This unity began to erode as the country debated the response to the attacks. The decision to invade Iraq in 2003 was a major catalyst for this fracture. Trust in government plummeted. By 2005, only 31% of Americans trusted the federal government, roughly half the post-9/11 peak.²²
- The Final Consequence: The ultimate social consequence of 9/11 was the transformation of that initial unity into a catalyst for two decades of intense political polarization. The shared trauma, instead of forging a lasting consensus, became the foundation for a new era of political warfare.
Part III: Conclusion – Hindsight, Agency, and Inevitability
This analysis began with a counterfactual question. What were the consequences of not killing Osama bin Laden in the 1990s? While such “what if” scenarios can never be definitively proven, examining the competing arguments is essential.
One argument posits that killing bin Laden in 1998 would have prevented the 9/11 attacks. Proponents of this view emphasize bin Laden’s unique role as the charismatic leader, financier, and visionary of Al-Qaeda.³⁷ His death, they contend, would have decapitated the organization at a critical moment. This would have thrown the complex 9/11 plot into disarray.
The counter-argument suggests a degree of inevitability. This view holds that by late 1998, the 9/11 plot was already well advanced.¹² This perspective argues that Al-Qaeda was resilient enough to have proceeded with the attack even without its top leader.
A synthesis of these views suggests that the attack was the product of multiple, cascading failures. The decision not to strike in Kandahar was a critical link in the chain, but it was not the only one. The attack was also enabled by:
- The systemic failure to appreciate the scale of the threat—the “September 10th Mentality.”
- Failures of intelligence sharing between agencies.¹⁴
- Failures of border and aviation security.¹⁴
- The critical failure of political transition that left top leadership disengaged from the threat for nine crucial months.¹⁶˒ ¹⁷
The ultimate consequence of not killing bin Laden was not simply the 2,977 deaths on September 11. It was the subsequent, two-decade-long transformation of the United States. The attacks triggered a fundamental reordering of America’s relationship with itself and the world. This reordering manifested as a profound shift in the balance between liberty and security, a massive redirection of national resources, and the creation of a permanent state of political polarization.
Perhaps the most profound and lasting consequence was the transformation of a fleeting moment of national unity into two decades of deep and persistent political division. This fracture in the national identity continues to shape the country today.
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- Veterans of Foreign Wars. “20 Years Later: Recalling the U.S. Invasion of Iraq.” vfw.org, March 1, 2023.
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- U.S. Department of Homeland Security. “DHS at 20: Celebrating a Legacy of Service.” dhs.gov, January 20, 2025.
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- Brennan Center for Justice. “Rolling Back the Post-9/11 Surveillance State.” brennancenter.org, August 25, 2021.
- Bilmes, Linda J. “The Financial Legacy of Iraq and Afghanistan: How Wartime Spending Decisions Will Constrain Future National Security Budgets.” Harvard Kennedy School, March 2013.
- Crawford, Neta C. “Cost of Post 9/11 Wars: $4.6 Trillion.” The Brink, Boston University, November 2017.
- Council on Foreign Relations. “How 9/11 Reshaped U.S. Foreign Policy.” CFR.org.
- Cogitatio Press. “Framing the Balance: Presidential Rhetoric on Security and Liberty in the Post-9/11 Era.” Politics and Governance, Vol. 12, 2024.
- U.S. Department of Homeland Security. “Select DHS Milestones.” dhs.gov.
- Wolosky, Lee S. “Testimony of Lee S. Wolosky before the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States.” 9-11commission.gov, April 1, 2003.
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